Conclusions
This paper analyses the evolution of
microfinance organisations in Vietnam through
three main stages. The first stage under the
centrally planned economic system created
unhealthy activities of subsidised microfinance
organisations. This period was marked by the
collapse of credit cooperatives. After the
transformation of the economy to a marketoriented structure, with relevant changes in
economic policies and legal infrastructure, the
microfinance sector in Vietnam has developed
significantly. The establishment of the two
state-owned banks and the new system of
People’s Credit Funds have increased
institutional financial access to low-income
people. The final period marked the integration
of the microfinance sector into the banking
sector, with the transformation of NGOs into
regulated institutions.
The lesson learnt from the collapse of the
system of credit cooperatives is that the
successful microfinance institutional
arrangements need to create appropriate
incentives for parties who are involved in its
operations. Later, the institutional arrangement
of microfinance in Vietnam was improved by
the involvement of mass organisations and local
people’s committees. This is considered to
enhance the ability of microfinance providers to
have a larger outreach with fewer costs and to
create incentives for the borrowers to repay by
imposing less-costly social sanctions.
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VNU Journal of Science: Economics and Business, Vol. 36, No. 5E (2020) 60-69
60
Original Article
Development of Microfinance Organisations in Vietnam
Hoang Thi Thu Hien1,*, John Creedy2
1Vietnam Academy of Banking, 12 Chua Boc, Quang Trung, Dong Da, Hanoi, Vietnam
2Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand
Received 01 December 2020
Revised 19 December 2020; Accepted 19 December 2020
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to examine the development of microfinance in Vietnam from
the early 1980s. This provides a particularly interesting case study in view of the large-scale
changes that have taken place in the economy over the period, which has experienced the transition
from a Central Economic Planning System towards a “socialist-oriented market economy”, with
increased integration in the world economy. Starting from a framework, or taxonomy, of
microfinance organisations, the paper explores how the two main objectives of microfinance
organisations - of meeting the economic needs of borrowers and being sustainable - have
eventually been met using a diversity of organisational forms.
Keywords: Microfinance, microfinance organisations, Vietnam.
1. Introduction *
The aim of this paper is to examine the
development of microfinance in Vietnam from
the early 1980s. This provides a particularly
interesting case study in view of the large-scale
changes that have taken place in the economy
over the period. Indeed, the formal use of the
term, “microfinance” is relatively recent1.
Previously, microfinance meant micro-credit,
which corresponded to a credit of low amount
designed for people who had very little income.
Recently, the term microfinance refers to the
_______
* Corresponding author.
E-mail address: hienhtt@hvnh.edu.vn
https://doi.org/10.25073/2588-1108/vnueab.4455
1 The term microfinance institutions entered the Law of
Credit Institutions in 2010.
supply of other financial services, such as
savings, micro-credit, and so on. These services
are offered by various institutions, with
different institutional structures, ranging from
state-owned banks to non-governmental
organisations, both for and not-for profit, and
using contrastive lending methods.
An important motivation for the analysis of
microfinance is that access to small amounts of
credit is generally regarded as an important
factor to encourage entrepreneurial activity and
to reduce poverty in developing countries where
poverty levels are high. The majority of
asset-constrained people in developing countries
do not have access to standard commercial joint
stock banks, which ration credit and require
collateral. The market failure arises from
H.T.T. Hien, J. Creedy / VNU Journal of Science: Economics and Business, Vol. 36, No. 5E (2020) 60-69
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asymmetric and costly information problems. To
fill this gap in the market, microfinance
organisations (MFOs) have developed.
2. Types of Microfinance Organisation
When discussing a wide range of
organisations, it is useful to begin with a
framework, or taxonomy, within which the
various forms can be placed [1]. The credit
market for low-income people is risk-driven,
given a high level of asymmetric information.
When borrowers cannot afford collateral and
signal their credit-worthiness, for example by
providing accounting information, it is costly to
evaluate borrowers’ riskiness. This, combined
with adverse selection, means that joint stock
banks not to provide much-needed credit to
those without collateral. Therefore, MFOs, the
main credit suppliers in the market, have
developed certain organisational forms to fill
the market failure. MFOs can be divided into a
small number of categories, as shown in Table
1. In view of space constraints the table shows
just a sample of the main MFOs. This divides
MFOs according to three methods of lending
and three methods of funding. The different
forms may or may not be registered. In the
table, three asterisks are used to indicate those
forms which are registered.
As seen in Table 1, joint liability and mixed
lending are not used by those MFOs which
depend on members’ funds. In Vietnam, there
are no examples of individual lending with third
party, or donor, funding, nor of joint liability
lending with public funding; however, these
types of lending are used in other countries [1].
3. The Command Economy with Mono-
banking: Pre-1988
Microfinance institutions and microfinance
itself in Vietnam can be traced from the early
1980s. Before the start of the economic reform
policy (doi moi) in 1986, Vietnam was under a
centrally planned economy, which followed the
model of the former Soviet Union. The
economy was characterised by an extensive
system of government controls. Ownership of
the means of production (land, building,
machines, and other assets) was under
collectives, and private ownership and private
economic activities were not allowed (Table 1).
3.1. State Financial System
Until 1988, Vietnam had a mono-banking
system, in which the State Bank of Vietnam
performed the functions of a central bank and
an intermediary bank. The banking system was
supply-driven, heavily subsidised, and interest
rates were controlled. Small loans were provided
mainly from two sources, formal credit
institutions and informal sources. The formal
credit institutions included the State Bank and
credit cooperatives, which provided credit only to
State enterprises and production cooperatives;
these form the two main production entities of a
centrally planned system [2]. There was no formal
institution to supply financial services for low-
income individuals.
Until 1991, interest-rate spreads were
negative; that is, the interest rate on deposits
was larger than the interest rate on credit [3].
The aim of this policy was to reduce the cost of
production in order for the economy to recover
from deterioration caused by the war. As a
result, the banking system could not generate
sufficient revenue to cover costs and the losses
due to the negative interest-rate gap.
Hence, the fiscal deficit was funded by
printing money [3]. This triggered
hyperinflation, from the middle of the 1980s
until 1990, with many negative consequences
for the banking system and the economy.2 The
real interest rate was negative, so depositors had
no incentive to save.
_______
2 The inflation rate in 1986 was 774 per cent. This was one
year after the “currency modification” in which the value of
one “new” Vietnam Dong equalled 10 “old” Vietnam Dong.
If the old value had been used to calculate the inflation rate, it
would have been higher than 7,700 per cent [3].
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Table 1. Classification of MFOs in Vietnam
Lending
method
Funding method
Donor or third party funds Members’ funds Public funds
Individual
lending
People's Credit
Funds (***)
Vietnamese
Co-operative
bank(***)
TYM (previously a
government microfinance
programme) (***)
Maritime Bank Finance for
community Centre
Joint
liability
lending
VietED Foundation
(Microfinance NGO)
ThanhHoa microfinance institution (***)
SEDA Microfinance NGO
Women Development Funds in provinces
Child Fund Vietnam
Dzambala Foundation
Center for Women and Community
Development (CWCD)
Cao Bang women development Fund
Capital Aid Fund for Women’s
Economic Development (CWED) in Tien
Giang province
The Golden Hand Programme (BTV)
Dariu Foundation
Mixed VBSP(***) and VBARD(***) (Duong &
Izumida, 2002)
M7+(Working under Community
Finance Resource Center - and NGO) (***)
CEP Vietnam (Capital aid
for Employment of the
Poor Microfinance
Institution Ltd.) (***)
D
Due to the absence of a demand-responsive
banking system, it was difficult for self-
employed individuals and low-income
households to have access to institutional credit
without prior allocation from the relevant
authority. As a result, the supply of rural
finance was mostly from informal sources (such
as friends, family, rotating saving and credit
groups, and moneylenders) and from the system
of credit cooperatives [3, 4].
3.2. Credit Cooperatives and Their Collapse
The credit-cooperative system, as an
important source of rural finance, has a long
history in many places in the world. Many of
them produced desirable outcomes, such as the
Raiffeisen German credit-cooperative system in
the 1840s, or the Caisse Rurali of Italy in the
1880s. They succeeded while developing
institutionally [5]. However, the first generation of
Vietnamese credit cooperatives in the 1980s were
not successful.
By the mid-1980s, there were about 7,200
credit cooperatives in Vietnam, covering most
of the communes, each of which covered some
three to four villages [6]. The main functions of
credit cooperatives were to gather small
deposits and provide credit to individuals, farm
households, small state-owned enterprises and
production cooperatives [2, 6].
In Vietnam, credit cooperatives were set up
as local financial intermediaries on behalf of the
State Bank, not by members themselves. In
practice, they were established within small
communities and managed by the local
Peoples’ Committee. As such, the term
“cooperative” in this context reflected an
administrative operation of the local authority
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[2]. For that reason, credit was not granted on a
secured basis because property rights were not
clearly defined, and contract enforcement
regulations were not available4 [4].
Therefore, it is not difficult to identify
reasons for the collapse of the system of credit
cooperatives in Vietnam. First, managers lacked
the incentives to take responsibility and monitor
staff performance5 [7]. Second, the failure of
the credit-cooperative system in Vietnam was
also caused by a lack of repayment incentives
[3]. An important incentive facing borrowers
exists when defaulters are less likely in future
to obtain credit.
After the doi moi policy, the State Bank no
longer automatically refinanced the credit
cooperatives as it did before 1988 [2]. There
were only 190 credit cooperatives in 1990,
compared to the peak of 7,180 in the mid-1980s
[3]. With the adoption of the Banking Ordinance
that year, just 80 of them received a licence to
continue operating. Up to early 1997, 78 out of 80
had been transformed into people’s credit funds
[7]. The collapse of the system had reduced the
confidence of the public in credit cooperatives,
and in the banking system as a whole7.
3.3. Informal Financial Source
A rotated savings and credit association is
an indigenous informal savings and credit
association. This source of funds, together with
money from moneylenders, friends, and
relatives has financed a certain part of the credit
demand of low-income people. Data from the
1992-1993 Vietnam Living Standards Survey
_______
4 The first Civil Law of Vietnam in which contract-
enforcement terms were included was in 1995. This was
replaced in 2005, which was in turn replaced by a new one
in 2015.
5 One of the successful rural-credit systems in Indonesia in the
1990s provided incentives via performance-based
compensation (such as, profit-sharing, collection fees) and
management’s quasi-equity contributions in the form of
efficiency earnings [8].
7 The collapse has been compared with that of the Irish
Loan Funds in the 1840s, the causes of which were from
an exogenous shock, unfavourable legal and regulatory
conditions, and weak governance [5]
revealed that 47 per cent of rural households
and 38 per cent of urban households were in
debt to both formal and informal financial
sources.8 The same source reported that private
moneylenders and individuals provided 73 per
cent of loans outstanding in rural areas.
State-owned banks and the semi-formal
financial sector accounted for 23 per cent.
However, in 1997-1998 these figures changed
to 51 and 49 per cent, respectively, showing
that the rural poor have had better access to
formal financial sources [9].
4. A Time of “Renovation” :1988 – 2005
The government responded to the crisis
with a new policy, called doi moi (Renovation)
in order to design to transform the centrally-
planned economy into a market-oriented
economy. The new system created more
favourable conditions for the development of
the banking and microfinance sectors. It
reduced restrictions on private-sector activities
and private asset ownership, thereby creating
incentives for private investment and a demand
for funding [10].
An important development of the banking
sector was the transformation of the mono-tier
into a two-tier banking system in 1988, in
which the State Bank of Vietnam acts as a
central bank and the four state-owned
commercial banks function as intermediary
banks [6]. However, until the beginning of the
1990s, the term microfinance institutions was
not formally recognised.9 In 1990, The
Ordinance on Banks, Finance Companies, and
Credit Cooperatives provided a legal
framework for financial institutions in Vietnam,
including the State Bank, commercial banks,
and credit cooperatives [6]. The Ordinance was
replaced by the Banking Law in 1997.
However, microfinance was not explicitly
_______
8 This was the first official Living Standards Survey on a
national scale: see.
9 The term microfinance institutions entered the Law of
Credit Institutions in 2010.
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identified in this legislative document, although
there were microfinance operations in the
financial market.
4.1. Vietnamese Agricultural and Rural
Development Bank and Mass Organisations:
Post-1988
This section discusses two important post-
1988 changes, the establishment of the
Vietnamese Agricultural and Rural
Development Bank (VBARD), and Mass
Organisations, along with the involvement of
the latter in VBARD lending.
4.1.1. Vietnamese Agricultural and Rural
Development Bank
VBARD is the first commercial state-
owned bank to provide rural finance. Its
funding is from two main sources. First, savings
from public depositors (commercial sources)
are used to give loans on commercial terms to
the rural and agricultural sector. Second, funds
from governments and donors (concessional
sources) are allocated for small loans in rural
areas, according to sponsors’ requests. VBARD
has a nationwide network allowing it to reach a
large number of clients, even in remote and
mountainous regions.10 Before the
establishment of the Bank for the Poor in 1996,
the Vietnamese Agricultural and Rural
Development Bank solely provided loans for
the agricultural sector as well as for low-income
households. Since 1996, the Vietnamese Bank
for the Poor (VBP) has carried over the
specialised task to give financial services to
low-income households using subsidies and
other financial support. VBARD continues to
focus on the rural and agricultural sectors, but
on a more commercial basis.
In the rural-finance sector, VBARD offers
the largest range of banking services, with
substantial economies of scale. In terms of
savings, VBARD provides various types of
deposits, from demand deposits to term deposits
_______
10 At the end of 1988, there were 22,134 staff working at
1,291 business centres including headquarters, branch
offices, and transaction offices [11].
with interest terms based on market rates. The
geographical closeness to depositors and the
prominence of a state-owned bank has brought
the bank advantages in mobilising funds from
the public.
4.1.2. MOs and the Lending Process of VBARD
Mass Organisations (MOs) form one part of
the political system of Vietnam, which consist
of The Party (with a Party Leader), The State
System, and Social-Political Organisations (or
Mass Organisations). MOs are established for
the economic improvement of members, as well
as to strengthen solidarity between members
and to encourage members to follow the
economic and social policies of the State. MOs
which are often involved in the lending process
in Vietnam are the Women’s Union and
Farmers’ Association, among others.
The lending process of VBARD in the rural
areas involved with MOs is as follows. If group
lending is applied, the groups are established by
the local MO committee and certified by the
Local Authority, which ensures the group’s
legal status. Each group may choose to have a
head, and this person helps the bank and the
MO by, for example, setting up regular
meetings and, in some cases, collecting
repayments together with the MOs. The head of
the group may receive a small commission,
paid by the bank, as an incentive. With
individual lending, the borrower fills out
necessary documents, the lending is processed
directly with the bank, and the MO’s role is as
guarantor for the borrower’s characteristics.
This means that the borrower has MO
certification about their ability and willingness
to repay.
4.2. Vietnamese Bank for Social Policies:
Post-1996
To develop an institution that specialises in
delivering financial services for poor people,
another state-owned bank was established: the
Vietnamese Bank for the Poor (VBP). The
establishment of the VBP separates the special
lending programme for the poor from the
lending activities in rural areas of the VBARD.
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In 2003, VBP changed its name to the Vietnam
Bank for Social Policies (VBSP) and
established its own business headquarters and
hired its own staff. Before that, it used the
extensive network of the VBARD and paid
administrative costs for it [12].
The VBSP relies heavily on funds from the
State, and mandatory deposits from commercial
banks. Currently, commercial banks in Vietnam
are required by The State Bank of Vietnam to
maintain 2 per cent of their total general public
deposits in VBSP, with lower interest rates than
market rates. The VBSP has also been
supported financially by international donors, in
terms of aid or concessional loans. Funding
from public deposits is not a major source
because VBSP primarily aims to supply credit.
As with the VBARD, the VBSP has nationwide
business branches. This extensive network
allows poor people access to nearby banking
services, thereby reducing transaction costs.
The VBSP also cooperates closely with the
Local Authority and the Women’s Union,
paying the latter a commission based on the
amount of money repaid by customers [13].
The commission paid to MOs is small
compared with the costs the bank would
otherwise incur11.
The VBSP uses both individual and group
lending. However, group lending is used for
costless peer monitoring, peer enforcement and
social sanctions, rather than for joint-liability
purposes [11]. Hence, group members do not
have liability for other members’ debts. In order
to make other members jointly liable for a
group’s repayments, group lending in VBSP is
applied for other dynamic incentives, such as
future credit denial for the whole group. Hence,
the VBSP enhances repayment as a result of
peer enforcement, rather than by members
having to pay for others. The loans provided by
VBSP are subsidised. However, other
_______
11 One credit officer in An Giang province in the Mekong
River Delta said that she was in charge of 35,000
households, having made approximately 5,000 loans in
one year. This large number would not have been possible
without the involvement of mass organisations [11].
administrative costs of subsidised loans are
high [14].
4.3 People’s Credit Funds: Post-1993
As already mentioned, the Ordinance on
Banks, Finance Companies, and Credit
Cooperatives in 1990 provided the first legal
framework for financial institutions in Vietnam,
including the State Bank, commercial banks,
and credit cooperatives [6]. The nature of the
institution is mutual-based, and is now known
as the People’s Credit Fund. This name
helps customers not to confuse the new
institutions with the previous unsound credit
cooperatives [12].
The PPCFs are regulated savings and credit
cooperatives under supervision from the State
Bank of Vietnam. They are established by
members who voluntarily join the PPCFs for
mutual benefits. Their main functions are the
mobilisation of local savings (both from
members and non-members), and provision of
credit services, primarily for members.
Savings provide the major funding for
PPCFs. On average, more than 80 per cent of
the total liability of People’s Credit Funds is
from members' savings, 10 per cent from its
capital and surplus (retained earnings), and the
rest from borrowing from other sources, such as
from the Apex organisation [6].12 The PPCFs
use traditional individual lending contracts, in
which PPCFs and borrowers sign contracts
bilaterally. Individual contracts make the
borrower take sole responsibility for
repayments, and the PPCFs deal with the
residual credit-risk claimants. Credit terms are
on a commercial basis, since People’s Credit
Funds have to break even in order to be viable.
Loan sizes are based on the demand of the
customers, as well as the value of the collateral,
which normally consists of Land Use and
house-ownership certificates [6]. Loan size is
normally set at from 70 to 80 per cent of the
_______
12 The Vietnam Co-operative Bank acts as the Apex
organisation, which collect funds from PPCFs that are in
surplus and transfers the funds to the PPCFs that are short
of funds.
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market value of the collateral. That may explain
the fact that PPCFs target the less-poor in rural
regions compared to other microfinance
organisations, such as VBSP. In terms of value,
the average loan size of PPCFs is 700 USD to
800 USD, compared with 280 USD of the Bank
for Social Policy [4]. The interest rate is based
on local conditions, and is normally equal to
market interest rates, or a little higher. Due to
their closeness to borrowers, the People’s
Credit Funds can usually provide more varied
loan products. Some of them provide lending
for education and emergency purposes, such
services that effectively reduce members’
reliance on money lenders [4]. In addition, the
decision-making procedure for loan approval is
kept short and simple, which makes it less
burdensome for small borrowers in rural areas.
4.4 Microfinance Organisations, NGOs, and
Microfinance Schemes
Since the 1990s, Vietnam has received
considerable support from international
individuals, governments, and NGOs. As
microfinance is considered a tool of social and
economic development, a large number of
NGOs have supported the microfinance sector
of Vietnam with financial or technical
assistance, or both. The Vietnamese
government also recognised the necessity of
assisting poor people as a goal of economic
development. A number of microfinance
NGOs, and NGOs microfinance schemes and
projects have been involved in rural finance.
Microfinance NGOs in Vietnam include
both indigenous and international NGOs
involved in providing financial services for the
poor, especially the poorest. NGOs’
involvement in microfinance can be categorised
into two approaches: non-integrated and
integrated13. In the first type, NGOs run
microfinance schemes or projects as a sole
activity. For the integrated NGOs, microfinance
is supplementary to other objectives. Non-
integrated NGOs normally have their own staff,
_______
13 This approach is known as a minimalist approach, as in
Berger (1989) [15].
with the cooperation of MOs, while integrated
NGOs may use local MO networks.
Microfinance NGOs are donor-subsidised
(in this sense, NGOs are similar to state-owned
banks, when they are dependent on a third
party’s order) and cannot mobilise voluntary
savings. Mandatory savings - an amount of
money borrowers have to save before they can
get a loan - is considered not to be a part of the
funding source, but rather a requirement for
getting a loan. Most microfinance NGOs in
Vietnam use a member-based model for
delivering credit. This lending method has been
popular in microfinance NGOs as it helps to
reduce costs of lending [1] . To apply for a loan,
borrowers form themselves into groups
consisting of from eight to 20 persons, with
joint liability. In a group, members have to be
responsible for other members’ obligations
to repay.
The share of microfinance NGOs’ in the
rural market is less than 10 per cent [16].
However, it has reached the poorest in the
country. This is maybe because it has received
donors’ funds, which allow them to serve poor
people without having to break even.
5. Standardisation and Under Formal
Regulations: Post-2005
As mentioned above, the term
“microfinance organisation” was made legal in
Vietnam for the first time by the Credit
Institutions Law of 2010. The Law gives clear
legal status to microfinance organisations. They
are regulated credit institutions, and in that
sense they are similar to commercial banks,
showing that the microfinance sector in
Vietnam has integrated into the banking sector.
Microfinance integration into a country’s
mainstream financial system is recommended
by many microfinance practitioners [17]. This
is because regulated microfinance institutions
can legally mobilise funds from the general
public and also can have access to commercial
debts. With more resources, they would expect
to serve more low-income clients.
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Understanding the need for a complete legal
system in the microfinance sector, and to
formalise the activities of microfinance
institutions, a new legal framework for the
establishment of regulated microfinance
institutions was introduced. Decree No.
28/2005/ND-CP in 2005 and Decree
No.165/2007/ND-CP in 2007 set the legislation
for the establishment and operation of
microfinance institutions. According to this
legal infrastructure, microfinance services are
provided by either regulated microfinance
institutions or unregulated microfinance
institutions. Whereas the regulations limit the
unregulated institutions, they can supply only a
limited number of services and are not allowed
to mobilise voluntary deposits, whereas the
registered institutions can supply a wider range
of banking services and can leverage their
equity up to 11 times.14 Regulated institutions
are also different from unregulated institutions,
because they are under banking regulations and
supervision. Therefore, regulated microfinance
institutions are required to maintain prudent
banking ratios relating to: minimum capital
ratio; capital adequacy; liquidity requirements;
asset quality and loan-loss provisions; and
Portfolio diversification. Regulated institutions
can also have access to discounted funds from
the State Bank.
The new legislation is applied only for the
establishment of new microfinance institutions.
Four Vietnamese NGOs have transformed into
regulated organisations. They are TYM, and
CEP Funds, the two largest microfinance NGOs
in Vietnam, and Thanh Hoa and M7+. There
will probably be more in the future.
6. Lessons Learnt From the Development of
Microfinance in Vietnam
Microfinance in Vietnam has served poor
people and small customers for almost half of a
_______
14 This is according to the Basel Convention rule that
suggests the minimum equity for a financial institution at
8 per cent of its risk-weighted assets.
century. It has experienced success and failures
along the journey. The achievement of
microfinance organisations in Vietnam as we see
today is a result of lessons learnt through their
fluctuations. Some lessons from the development
of microfinance in Vietnam can be drawn.
The first lesson is the importance of
microfinance organisations and their
development. Microfinance institutions play an
important role in poverty eradication in
Vietnam, as in other developing countries. This
is because commercial banks have rationed
credit to borrowers who cannot pledge
collateral. As a result, these borrowers have
been unable to start production due to a lack of
capital, or their production faces difficulties in
expanding for the same reason. Some of them
have to seek finance from informal sources that
make them even more vulnerable. Using
microfinance organisations with a suitable
lending technique is one way to help low-
income people to access formal credit. Thus it
is important for microfinance organisations to
achieve better repayment performance, which
helps them to develop good policies, when
government subsidies and donors’ money is not
a given.
The second lesson is the uses of joint
liability lending and repayment performance of
microfinance organisations. A high probability
of a loan being repaid helps microfinance
organisations to be sustainable; therefore, there
is less of a burden on taxpayers and donors.
From the use of group lending in Vietnam,
there can be a few things to help it work better.
First, group lending should only be established
in regions where the borrowers live close to
each other (normally in a small geographical
area) and have substantial information about
each other’s business and personal
characteristics. Second, the presence of credit
officers reduces the unwillingness of the
borrowers to repay, due to their perceived
misunderstanding about low-interest-rate loans
from microfinance organisations being gifts,
donations, or free credit [18]. The presence of
credit officers in the village helps to eliminate
these problems by frequent meetings with
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groups and reinforcing the loan terms. The
presence of the loan officers also helps to
prevent improper use of the loans and
opportunistic behaviour; credit officers actually
have a considerable impact on a microfinance
organisation [19, 20]. Finally, the involvement
of mass organisations in Vietnam in the lending
process is also very important regarding how
microfinance organisations reduce information
asymmetries and to improve repayment.
Third, one lesson learnt from the collapse of
the system of credit cooperatives is that the
successful microfinance institutional
arrangements need to create incentives for
parties who are involved in its operations.
Finally, the institutional arrangement of
microfinance in Vietnam has been settled with
the involvement of mass organisations and local
people’s committees. This is considered to
enhance the ability of microfinance providers to
have a larger outreach with fewer costs and to
create incentives for the borrowers to repay by
imposing less-costly social sanctions.
7. Conclusions
This paper analyses the evolution of
microfinance organisations in Vietnam through
three main stages. The first stage under the
centrally planned economic system created
unhealthy activities of subsidised microfinance
organisations. This period was marked by the
collapse of credit cooperatives. After the
transformation of the economy to a market-
oriented structure, with relevant changes in
economic policies and legal infrastructure, the
microfinance sector in Vietnam has developed
significantly. The establishment of the two
state-owned banks and the new system of
People’s Credit Funds have increased
institutional financial access to low-income
people. The final period marked the integration
of the microfinance sector into the banking
sector, with the transformation of NGOs into
regulated institutions.
The lesson learnt from the collapse of the
system of credit cooperatives is that the
successful microfinance institutional
arrangements need to create appropriate
incentives for parties who are involved in its
operations. Later, the institutional arrangement
of microfinance in Vietnam was improved by
the involvement of mass organisations and local
people’s committees. This is considered to
enhance the ability of microfinance providers to
have a larger outreach with fewer costs and to
create incentives for the borrowers to repay by
imposing less-costly social sanctions.
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